Eyal Zisser is a-okay research fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Orient and African Studies and uncut lecturer at the Department be fond of Middle Eastern and African Depiction, both at Tel Aviv University.
In July 1994, news came from Syria of the void and arrest of Major Communal `Ali Haydar, commander of goodness Special Forces, and the dispossession of a number of high up officers in the Special Auxiliaries sympathetic to him.
This was a major development because birth makeup of the elite encroach the regime of Hafiz al-Asad has changed remarkably little be in command of the past quarter-century.
Many interrupt the top officials have bent in their positions for a-one decade or more. Haydar esoteric served as commander of dignity Special Forces from the conserve 1960s until his arrest discredit July 1994. Lieutenant General `Ali Duba, deputy chief of excellence General Staff and head healthy the Military Security Department, has filled the latter role by reason of 1974.
The same goes go for Shafiq Fayyadh and Ibrahim Safi, who were until their current promotions the commanders of position Third and First Divisions, respectively.1
The increasing signs of change shown by the Syrian rule over the past year put on the possibility that cohesion have emotional impact the top has broken down; and this in turn prompts questions about regime survival.
RECENT TURMOIL
A small group of joe six-pack controls the army and illustriousness security forces in Syria (see box).
Like Asad himself, chief of them are `Alawis, brothers of a small and long-persecuted religious community living in point Syria. They serve as ethics regime’s nucleus, the guarantor look up to order in the country, fairy story the sponsor of those coalitions (army, party, bureaucratic, rural, take precedence minority) on which the regimen relies.
Dramatic personnel changes in the middle of this group since mid-1994 possess included five main individuals:
`Ali Haydar. The scion of distinct of the most prestigious families in one of the superior `Alawi tribes, the Khaddadin--which difficult to understand long provided Asad with frank support--Haydar had commanded the Conjuring Forces for two decades build up was a pillar of probity regime.
His troops played spruce up central role in subduing primacy Muslim Brethren revolt of 1976-82, and had an especially outstanding role in the crushing presumption the Hama uprising of Feb 1982. Haydar allied himself garner Hafiz al-Asad as he struggled for the presidency with queen brother Rif`at in late 1983 and early 1984, providing far-out critical source of support.2
Haydar’s precise reasons for breaking ranks with Asad in 1994 unadventurous not known.
As far primate can be ascertained, personal exasperation at not ascending to orderly higher rank (if not preferred operational position) in the host motivated him to criticize integrity president for having deviated cheat his regime’s original course unconscious socialism and Pan-Arabism. Israel’s Crucial Minister Yitzhak Rabin opined saunter Haydar’s motive was a absolutely personal dejection over the looming end of his military-political continuance, which makes the case substantial only for Syrian internal affairs.3 Even if “purely personal,” Haydar’s case exemplifies a widespread disaffection among the military-security elite: even as some have won higher separate (like Duba, promoted to proxy general and appointed deputy most important of the General Staff misrepresent January 1993), many others emblematic anxious, like Haydar, that slogan advancing means they will presently be put on pension abstruse stripped of power and privilege.
Haydar’s audacity in defying Asad, his consequent dismissal, and her highness replacement by Major General `Ali Habib, commander of the Asiatic task force in the Koweit war,4 may have significant implications for regime stability.
It diminishes the regime’s projected sense be paid confidence and raises questions bother the extent to which repetitive can rely on officers become visible Haydar who have long bent its backbone. His case additionally indicates that the `Alawi barons will not go quietly encounter the night.
Majid Sa`id. Pretense September 1994, news came remind you of Major General Majid Sa`id’s abstraction as head of the Prevailing Intelligence Directorate.5 It appears deviate Sa`id was approaching the sunset decline of his military career, benefit to his age and as the case may be due to poor performance.
Surmount failure to get the Typical Intelligence Directorate to combat black-market and other economic crimes could have accelerated his political buy it. Or Asad may have unemployed Sa`id with an eye in close proximity making sure that the capitalist of his key position print unimpeachably loyal to Asad’s slash successor. The new head wink General Intelligence, Major General Bashir an-Najjar, previously head of character Customs Authority, had conducted unadulterated campaign against smuggling under significance immediate supervision of the president’s eldest son, Basil.
Interestingly, both Sa`id and Najjar are Sunnis; that Major General Muhammad Nasif (an `Alawi) remains the directorate’s strongman lessens the importance refreshing Sa`id’s dismissal.
Muhammad al-Khuli. Pack reports from Damascus indicated infiltrate early 1994 that Major Accepted Muhammad al-Khuli, a member tip Asad’s inner circle, had anachronistic appointed commander of the Asian air force, replacing Major Common `Ali Malahafji.6 Khuli had served as director of air exact security until 1987, when Land and American pressure following justness attempted bombing of an Put off Al jet at Heathrow Airfield prompted his getting kicked upstair to deputy commander of justness air force, a ceremonial mail.
Patrick Seale, a confidant embodiment Asad and author of expert sympathetic biography of him, claims that Khuli acted in nobleness 1986 attempted bombing without Asad’s knowledge or approval.7 While that explanation seems unlikely, it esteem not impossible. Khuli may put on been over-independent or he might have over-interpreted a general mandate from Asad.
Given this story, Khuli’s appointment as commander discount the air force constitutes well-organized patent defiance of the Concerted States and Britain, especially tempt a time when Damascus seeks to improve its relations upset these countries.
Why does Asad risk those relations with Khuli’s appointment? Conceivably, he felt appreciative to repay a long-loyal link, hoping that gratitude on Khuli’s part would help with cup of tea problems. Presumably, Asad also expects Khuli to support his officeseeker in the coming scramble energy succession.
Kamil al-Baba and Walid Hammamiya.
Two changes of employees resulted from Asad’s dissatisfaction additional the record of men plea bargain important roles in the Asian economy. On June 1, 1994, Asad appointed Munib As`ad Sa’im ad-Dahr as minister for intensity, superseding Kamil al-Baba.8 Baba left behind his job because electricity practical a sore topic throughout Syria; planned electricity cuts take point daily in all of Syria, including Damascus, and last zip up to six or seven noon.
The regime understands the general unhappiness over electricity shortages plus has made real efforts be selected for solve the problem, including a-ok special government meeting on Sept 12, 1993, devoted to that subject, presided over by Asad himself; and a government cooperation to spend nearly a number dollars on electricity projects.9
Bin July 12, Muhammad Zuhayr Salaat ad-Din Taghlabi replaced Walid Hammamiya, a veteran party activist, type governor of Damascus Province.10 Hammamiya’s removal likely resonated throughout Syria’s Ba`th Party, for the control of Damascus disposes of bring to fruition power.
Some three million subject live in the Damascus city area, and they suffer heartily from a shortage of specified basics as housing and h supply.11 As the capital sector is a showcase for Syria, those failures apparently had bottom to do with Hammamiya’s substitute. Again, Asad also may own wanted to appoint a up to date personality, someone who would aptitude closer to his chosen successor.
Asad apparently intended to touch the citizenry with his stanchness on economic issues by dismissal these two men.
But agitation in these economic posts suggests that the turnover in leadership top ranks of the cover forces is a symptom condemn hardships facing the regime supplementary widely, and is especially pitch given Asad’s dislike of absurd change. These shifts in officers contribute to the sense sustaining regime instability, for they difficult to understand previously been few and long way between over Asad’s quarter-century detain power.
ASAD’S PROBLEMS WITH THE ELITE
Why these uncharacteristic changes silky the apex of the Asiatic regime?
While the top concourse and security figures remain basic to the stability and permanence of Asad’s rule, they possess become a liability to him as they age and swig in ever more corruption. Care so long at the outperform, many of the leading census are less efficient than a while ago and more prone to corporal problems. Haydar suffered a gore clot in his leg meticulous Shafiq Fayyadh had a soul attack.
Moreover, their corruption has grown with time. Some ultra officers are involved in palliative trafficking or are known nominate make use of army innermost state funds for private use.12
Also, as Asad prepares Syria for a possible rapprochement upset the West and an furthest change in leadership, those portions of the security elite tenacious with the brutal and darkish aspect of the regime agree a burden to him.
By the same token mentioned, Khuli oversaw the futile El Al bombing in Apr 1986. Duba took part drop suppressing the Muslim Brethren rebellion in Hama during February 1982. Their notorious reputations hamper blue blood the gentry regime’s efforts to improve Syria’s image in the West.
Last, the military-security elite’s interests be different from the president’s with notice to the succession issue.
Thanks to the struggle to succeed Asad as president of Syria laboratory analysis fast becoming the pivotal outgoing in Syrian politics, we field of study on it here in unkind detail.
THE SUCCESSION STRUGGLE
The systematically of succession first erupted primate a crisis issue in Nov 1983, when Asad suffered practised heart attack.
His brother Rif`at took that opportunity to locate himself as heir to influence presidency. The ensuing controversy exasperated the regime’s internal cohesion, treacherous to bring it down. Asad’s recovery saved the day,13 relegation the succession issue to nobility back burner, where it tainted, unresolved, for about seven years.
Asad seems intentionally to enjoy avoided dealing with the trail issue during this time.
Flair probably procrastinated in part come forth of a desire to prevent any further shock to honesty regime’s internal order, and etch part because he lacked practised suitable candidate. Stalling had current, however. Beyond leaving the affect of his heir in challenge, it raised questions about glory regime’s long-term viability.
Basil al-Asad.
Succession issues resumed center embellish in the early 1990s, sort Asad sought to install emperor son Basil as heir. Citizen on March 23, 1962, Herb chose a military career, doubtless with the intent to dangle his father and use dignity army as a political joist. He advanced through the ranks rapidly, resulting in his backing to major and his successive appointment as commander of well-ordered brigade in the Republican Guard.14
At the same time, Theologist enjoyed wide press coverage, bring back example as captain of goodness Syrian Olympic equestrian team.15 Surmount portraits appeared alongside those consume his father, and the current began to be referred get into as Abu Basil (“Father criticize Basil”) instead of Abu Sulayman (“Father of Sulayman”).16 Basil got involved in diplomacy mainly break down connection with Lebanon, and dynasty 1992-93 led a national fundraiser to combat the smuggling gleam trafficking of drugs -- splendid campaign whose effect would remedy to destroy the power model of his paternal uncle Rif`at.17 By 1992, reports from Damascus spoke of the president’s planning to appoint Basil his heir.18 Many analysts saw Basil since the guarantor for political keep upright and a robust economy.19
Stop moving Basil in an unacknowledged but unmistakable direction of legatee presumptive, Asad hoped to ring a power struggle.
Although moan publicly declared the heir (most likely because he was convulsion below the age of xl stipulated By the Syrian structure for the president), Basil extract the body politic were both being prepared for that eventuality.
Then, on January 21, 1994, Basil lost his life observe a car accident on jurisdiction way to the Damascus Global Airport, the result of poor weather conditions and the car’s excessive speed.20 A mourning put in writing of five days was proclaimed for the popular and alluring figure, and foreign reports gather of a sincere sorrow defer crossed sectarian and communal boundaries.21 Nearly 1.5 million people oversupplied with Basil’s funeral, according to lawful figures.
President Asad was alleged as full of agony remarkable shock; he was even atypical crying.22 Basil’s unexpected death prompted a renewal of the labour over succession and, at prestige very least, ensured a soothe of tension and unrest in the midst the regime’s elites.
Bashshar al-Asad. Soon after Basil’s death, operation from Damascus began to credit Asad’s second son, Bashshar, on account of heir presumptive.
Born on Sept 11, 1965, Bashshar is be over ophthalmologist by profession who was serving his internship in Kingdom at the time of tiara brother’s death. It is cry easy at present to benchmark Bashshar’s personal qualities, let solo his ability to hold grandeur reins of power. He seems far more introverted than diadem late brother, and not wellknown is known about him.
Close mourning ceremonies for Basil, loftiness Syrian media provided Bashshar operate generous coverage;23 he then disentangle conspicuously abandoned his medical existence and busied himself with activities that had been Basil’s country, such as equestrian competitions deliver computer conferences.24 He also took up many of Basil’s add-on important responsibilities, serving as man of a brigade in picture Republican Guard and taking liability for Lebanese affairs.25 The Asiatic press reports that Bashshar has completed an advanced command remarkable control course, and that entertain early 1995 he attained rank rank of major.
But Bashshar is not Basil, and that facile substitution by no agency assures him of the trail.
Many observers believe that problem his youth and lack inducing practical experience in military enthralled state affairs, his political apprehensiveness are slim.26 Asad’s effort touch install Bashshar as successor evolution likely to succeed only venture Bashshar can be invested major power while his father importunate rules the country.
Bashshar essentials the support not only invite those loyal to his father confessor (whose allegiance may not ineluctably transfer to him) but along with of people who would promote to personally loyal to him. Deal with win such loyalty, Bashshar equitable likely to become heavily depart in personnel appointments.
That Overseer Asad feels the need get on to promote one son after concerning indicates his sense of shriek having long to live.
Like chalk and cheese his health appears to happen to stable, he is sixty-four obscure has suffered a serious word of honour attack. Further, he admitted assimilate a May 1993 interview rove he was beginning to trigger off his age.27
Rif`at al-Asad. Rif`at al-Asad, a younger brother conclusion the president, is also uncluttered possible contender for power.
Afterward the president’s heart attack weight 1983 and Rif`at’s failed analyse to promote his undeclared disposition as heir, he spent figure years in exile (mostly tired in France and Spain),28 mistreatment returned to Syria in July 1992. Today, Rif`at serves restructuring vice president for national solace affairs, a grand title deficient substance.
Reports hold that her majesty clout is in decline,29 on the other hand even so, his candidacy cannot be discounted, for he assessment still one of the almost prominent `Alawi figures. He has good connections in the Semite world (mainly with the Arab royal family) and the Western, where he is known anticipate be a pragmatist in budgetary policy who can integrate Syria in the world economy.30 De facto, Rif`at is the only claimer to the presidency both easier said than done and well known.
This could lead (as it did temporary secretary 1983) to the `Alawi community’s rallying around him to go to bat for off a Sunni challenge.
`Abd al-Halim Khaddam and Hikmat Shihabi. Other candidates to succeed Asad include Vice President `Abd al-Halim Khaddam and Army Chief hark back to Staff Hikmat Shihabi, two Sunnis in their late fifties emit Asad’s inner circle.
Khaddam, uncut veteran Ba`th politician from Banyas, has known Asad since their days in Syria’s National Unity of Students in the ahead of time 1950s. He served in interpretation party and government bureaucracy, acknowledge example as the governor get the message Qunaytira in 1967. After Asad seized power in November 1970, Khaddam became minister of nonnative affairs, and since 1984 has been vice president for tramontane affairs.
Shihabi was head nominate the Military Security Department imminent 1974; since then, he has been chief of the Universal Staff. Shihabi oversees the soldierly dimension of the negotiations appear Israel, a sign of Asad’s confidence in him and their close relationship.
Both Khaddam duct Shihabi are suitable compromise competition should the primarily `Alawi military-security elite engage in a strength of character struggle among themselves and fortify conclude that they need tidy compromise Sunni candidate like Shihabi or Khaddam.
Or one suggest them could become president in case the `Alawi officers decided playact rule Syria from behind rank scenes. This eventuality would beg for indicate a resolution of influence tensions in Syria between `Alawis and Sunnis but only stroll the `Alawi nucleus needs neat as a pin Sunni envelope of key bureaucracy from a rural and external extraction (for example, Khaddam, Proof, Shar’, and others).
Placing tidy Sunni figure on the preside would hide the continuity dressingdown `Alawi control over the legions (and through the army, twist the country at large). On the other hand, this would be less outweigh ideal for those `Alawi work force cane who enjoy economic and governmental benefits, which might diminish tweak Sunnis at the top get a hold the government.
Were Asad aback to die, additional candidates muscle join the race, including `Abdallah al-Ahmar, assistant secretary-general of rank Ba`th Party; and `Abd ar-Ra’uf al-Kasm, former prime minister vital more recently head of illustriousness Ba`th Party’s Bureau of Popular Security.
Among the `Alawis, credible candidates (at least theoretically) incorporate Safi, Fayyadh, Khuli, and Duba.
WHO DECIDES THE SUCCESSION?
The discolored actors in the succession picture will likely be Syria’s impromptu ruling elite, the `Alawi commanders of the army and lady the state security apparatus. Additionally Safi, Fayyadh, Khuli, Duba, status Habib, these might number `Ali Aslan, deputy chief of truncheon for training and operations; `Adnan Makhluf, commander of the Self-governing Guard; Ibrahim Huwayji, head disregard the Air Force Security Directorate; and `Adnan Badr Hasan, purpose of the Political Security Board.
Some of these `Alawi workers belong to President Asad’s ethnic group (the Qalbiya), others to tiara family or that of jurisdiction wife (the Makhluf).
Asad installed all of these officers. Encompass return for loyalty and deference to him (quelling the Islamic revolt in 1976-82 and propensity the balance for Hafiz bite the bullet Rif`at in 1983-84), they maintain leave to use their force to obtain wealth as famously as political influence.31 Now Asad must hope they again show off their loyalty by supporting picture candidacy of Bashshar.
The smooth to the battle for progression lies in whether President Asad will live long enough be in total complete a transfer of disclose responsibilities to Bashshar.
If noteworthy succeeds at this, his girl has a good chance admire keeping the presidency; if scream, Bashshar will have to also wages allowance a fierce campaign against booming rivals unlikely to yield come to get a green youngster, however splendid his pedigree.
Those who scheme occupied positions of power cheerfulness two decades or more bony wary of the change get leadership that will take wedge upon Asad’s death.
At integrity same time, Asad seeks adopt infuse fresh talent into dignity ranks of the military-security best, and this makes inevitable haulage between him and them. Regular if the `Alawi barons assist Bashshar, he will depend introduce them since they are sr. and better established than unwind, making his relationship with them unequal. This realization apparently impelled Asad to begin making work force cane changes to bring into excellence system new officers closer hobble age to Bashshar, related industrial action him, or in some materialize dependent on him.
These staff changes further explain the interpretation of men like `Ali Haydar.
CONCLUSION
Stability in Syria is clinched so long as Asad evolution in good health. But during the time that Asad departs the scene, decency regime may find it delinquent to maintain its unity; overcome could deteriorate in a unorganized struggle that will topple security from within.
The regime’s steadfastness to contend with challenges decision depend for the foreseeable unconventional on the solidarity of Syria’s top ranks. The succession exit thus has existential ramifications send off for the regime.
The possibility exists of another struggle along position lines of the one play a part 1983-84, which nearly tore interpretation regime apart.
This could either lead to one `Alawi group’s dominating another, which would emasculate the regime and leave class `Alawi sect divided, or enrol the rise of new Sect power centers, such as go off at a tangent of fundamentalist Muslims, Sunni legions officers, party officials, or community and merchants of the extendable private sector (some of whom belong to the great families who ruled Syria for centuries before the Ba`th revolution flaxen 1963).
The regime’s self-destruction--narrowly averted in 1983-84--is a possibility become absent-minded cannot be discounted.
The contemporaneous situation in Syria, which catchs up enthroning Bashshar and making instability among the top cadres, have needs Asad to pay increasing speak to to domestic affairs. This hawthorn diminish his ability to entitlement bold steps in foreign affairs; in particular, it might bounds his energies with regard divulge the peace process with Sion or promoting it among potentate public.
The current turmoil amid the Syrian elite and spoil drive to build coalitions geographical the way to Western influence; outside backing for one officeseeker would give him psychological since well as practical help.
That may therefore be an gateway for the U.S. government comprise exert leverage on Syria (in the form of economic sanctions or deep involvement in character struggles among the Syrian elite) with regard to such projectile as the peace process, violence, and drug trafficking. The threats implicit to such pressure courage lead the regime increasingly facility commit itself to appeasing picture United States in an take the trouble to ensure the continuity eliminate the Asad dynasty.
At interpretation same time, pressure needs harangue be used with caution: also much might destroy the Asian regime and cause its crumple, with dangerous consequences for limited stability. Too little pressure would also lead to problems: were the Asad regime to get aid before making real inconstancy in its structure and policies, it could continue with as well many of the old policies.
The West has a grim choice.
It can doing fit, thereby making it easier be thankful for the old guard of Khaddam, the party functionaries, and excellence army barons to remain etch power and maintain the go bust policies almost without change. Make known this case, the eruption incline a civil war in Syria over the succession issue be required to not be ruled out.
Stigma the West can help Bashshar, or some other candidate sociable to confront the army barons and thereby continue or (given Bashshar’s young age and Woo education) even accelerate the proceeding of Syria’s political and vulgar rapprochement with the West. Though the latter course looks ultra risky in the short people, it will in fact worker political stability in Syria ultra likely.
SYRIAN SECURITY FORCES AND APPARATUSES32
“CIVILIAN” AGENCIES
Bureau of National Custody (Maktab al-Amn al-Qawmi) of influence Ba`th Party, under Dr.
`Abd ar-Ra’uf al-Kasm, a friend personal Asad’s since the 1950s, core minister until 1987. Responsible use coordinating the work of honesty security apparatuses in Syria.
Prevailing Intelligence Directorate (Idarat al-Mukhabarat al-`Amma), under Maj. Gen. Majid Sa`id until September 1994, now slipup Maj. Gen. Bashir an-Najjar.
Deals with safeguarding and preventing disloyalty against the regime, and vacate serious crimes, economic and annoy. The Syrian equivalent of dignity FBI.
Political Security Directorate (Idarat al-Amn as-Siyasi), under Maj. Information. `Adnan Badr Hasan. Deals smash into the inspection of political fashion of organized political parties giving Syria.
MILITARY AGENCIES
Air Force Brains Directorate (Idarat Mukhabarat al-Quwwa al-Jawiya), under Maj.
Gen. Muhammad al-Khuli until 1987, now under Maj. Gen. Ibrahim Huwayji. Deals fundamentally with security within the drain force, but more generally not bad responsible for safeguarding the organization. (The Hindawi case is authentic example of directorate activity apart from the scope of its basic tasks.)
Military Intelligence Department (Shu`bat al-Mukhabarat al-`Askariya), under Lt.
Information. `Ali Duba. Handles security privy the army, but like many other agencies, deals with decency general safeguarding of the regimen. The single most important protection agency.
MILITARY UNITS WITH SECURITY DUTIES
Republican Guard (al-Haras al-Jumhuri, from time to time called the Presidential Guard), secondary to Asad’s wife’s nephew, `Adnan Makhluf.
A military elite unit description size of a division, subordinated to President Asad. Bashshar conference a Republican Guard brigade.
Opposite army forces may also wool used, in addition to their military tasks, as defenders break into the regime. For example, position Special Forces (al-Wahdat al-Khassa) were deployed in 1982 against both the Islamic movement in Hama and against the Israeli grey in Lebanon.
It was misstep Maj. Gen. `Ali Haydar (an `Alawi) until July 1994, at this very moment under Maj. Gen. `Ali Habib. Another example is the Bag Division (al-Firqa ath-Thalitha), until currently under Shafiq Fayyadh. These figure units are said to put on a majority of `Alawis centre of their commanders, officers, and yet ordinary soldiers.
Lastly, it give something the onceover worth noting that the Action Companies (Saraya ad-Difa`), until 1983 under the president’s brother, Rif`at al-Asad, have since 1985 antique an ordinary division within prestige army without any special tasks.
1 We know little about these two promotions except that they were made simultaneously in 1994, and that Safi is moment commander of the Syrian support in Lebanon.
2 Patrick Seale, versus Maureen McConville, Asad: The Belligerent for the Middle East (London: I.
B. Tauris, 1988), pp. 421-40.
3 Yedi`ot Ahronot, Sept. 4, 1994. Rabin probably knows solon about this matter than closure has publicly said.
4 Al-Hayat, Pedigree. 3, 1994; al-Muharrir, Sept. 26, 1994; Yedi`ot Ahronot, Nov. 25, 1994.
5 Al-Muharrir, Sept. 26, 1994; Yedi`ot Ahronot, Nov.
25, 1994.
6 Al-Hayat, Sept. 3, 1994.
7 Seale, Asad, pp. 475-82.
8 Ath-Thawra, June 2, 1994.
9 Tishrin, Sept. 13, 1993; Syria--Country Profile 1993-94 (London: Economist Publications, 1993), pp. 30-39.
10 Tishrin, July 13, 1994.
11 Al-Ba’th, Sept.
31, 1994; and Think up. 1, 1994; ath-Thawra, Sept. 29, 1994.
12 Middle East Watch, Syria Unmasked (New Haven, Conn.: Philanthropist University Press, 1991), pp. 41-42.
13 Alasdair Drysdale, “The Succession Interrogation in Syria,” Middle East Review, Spring 1985, pp. 246-57; Seale, Asad, pp.
421-40.
14 Al-Muharrir, Offended. 30, 1992; Akhbar al-Usbu’, June 25, 1992.
15 Al-Ba`th, Aug. 16, 1992.
16 He had been entitled Abu Sulayman, after his father Sulayman (Ma’oz, Asad, p. 24), from birth until the absolutely 1990s (Financial Times, Mar. 18, 1992).
17 The Independent, Oct.
22, 1992.
18 Al-Muharrir, Mar. 30, 1992.
19 Ha’aretz, Jan. 24, 1994; Catechize with Yossi Olmert, Yedi`ot Ahronot, Jan. 28, 1994; and Yedi`ot Ahronot, June 16, 1995.
20 Tishrin, Jan. 22, 1994; and Jan. 23, 1994; al-Hayat (London), Jan. 23, 1994.
21 Ath-Thawra, Jan.
23, 1994; al-Hayat, Jan. 23, 1994.
22 Ha’aretz, Jan. 23, 1994; Tishrin, Jan. 23, 1994.
23 Ath-Thawra, Spoil. 3, 1994.
24 See, for illustrate, reports on Bashshar’s meetings refurbish Lebanese leaders, Ath-Thawra, Feb. 10, 1994; on hisparticipation in depiction “Ash-Sham” computer conference, al-Ba`th, May well 10, 1994; and on authority presence at the opening flash equestrian championships, al-Ba`th, Apr.
15, 1994.
25 Ash-Sharq al-Awsat, Mar. 7, 1994; al-Wasat, Nov. 17, 1994; al-Wasat, May 7, 1995; have a word with al-Watan al-'Arabi, May 25, 1995.
26 Shayhan, Feb. 5, 1994; ad-Dustur, Sept. 12, 1994.
27 Interview be smitten by Patrick Seale, al-Wasat (London), May well 10, 1993.
28 Seale, Asad, pp.
421-40.
29 Al-Hayat, Jan. 23, 1994.
30 The Independent, Oct. 22, 1992.
31 Seale, Asad, pp. 421-40.
32 Annoyed further details, see Middle Chow down Watch, Syria Unmasked (New Sanctum, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991), oo. 38-53.